HKU Bulletin February 2013 (Vol. 14 No. 2)

Cover Story China’s economic reforms have been accompanied by the lesser-known development of a more open media. Commercial newspapers and even national state-controlled outlets have splashed on stories of corruption and helped to cast a light on social ills. But whereas in the West the media is regarded as an independent ‘Fourth Estate’, in China it acts with government sanction. That sanction has been relatively favourable over the past two decades, but in the background there is always the fact that what the government gives it can take away. Dr Li-Fung Cho in the Department of Sociology studies investigative journalism in China and says the central government began to loosen the reins on the media as economic reform and more power to local governments led to cases of corruption. Journalists are encouraged to expose wrongdoing, through the concept of supervision by public opinion (yulun jiandu), and those working for commercial outlets in particular have pushed the boundaries to stay one step ahead of the censors. “The relationship between the state and the media in China is multi-layered and things are never exactly as you would expect them to be. Censorship and control are not as monolithic as people might think,” she says. Testing the boundaries: the Sichuan earthquake The 2008 Sichuan earthquake is a case in point. Almost immediately uncensored news of the tragedy spread through the internet. Xinhua and CCTV – both government outlets – carried reports within 20 minutes and most unusually, appeared to do so without firm approval from the government propaganda department. The focus of reportage quickly turned to the large number of students who died when their poorly-built schools collapsed. Both the commercial and national media carried stories, but the negative coverage was too much for the propaganda department, which ordered the media to emphasise the more positive story of the government’s response. This was initially ignored, particularly by the commercial media. However, after two weeks, they realised their time was up. “You can only ignore propaganda directives for so long,” Dr Cho says. “Ultimately the government holds the power to demote editors and close down outlets. So the local media, under pressure from the Sichuan government, then started reporting that the earthquake was the reason why the schools collapsed and any further investigation would be carried out internally by the government.” Collaboration within the media That did not stop the discussion from continuing online. In fact, the traditional media and social media have a close, supportive relationship. Journalists use the social media to post information not allowed in their outlets, or to solicit information. They also use it as backup to let others know when they venture into dangerous territory. Sometimes stories in social media are quickly followed up by newspapers or television. In Jiangxi, for instance, two sisters who wanted to fly to Beijing to petition the central government over the forced demolition of their homes had to hide in a toilet when the local police came to intercept them. The sisters contacted a journalist, who alerted a friend at Phoenix magazine who in turn posted on the Chinese microblog, Sina Weibo. Within an hour 1,000 people had forwarded the post and the sisters were able to flee the scene. A senior official was subsequently removed from his position and others were investigated. “These tag team reports show the strengths of the traditional and social media and how they can work together,” Dr Cho says. Collaboration also occurs across county or provincial boundaries. Administrations can only keep tabs on reporters working for local media outlets, so sometimes journalists from one region will alert those in another to come and report on an issue of concern. Speaking the truth to those in power This brings up another feature of investigative journalism in China: that of the advocate. Some journalists have set up non-profit organisations to help those they report on, while others use their government contacts to help parties resolve disputes. “Journalists have become part of the middle class and in some ways are part of the status quo, but they have a very different self-identity from journalists in the US, where objectivity is most important, at least in method,” says Dr Cho, who has worked in both places. “They see their own role as representing the voice of the voiceless, providing education and even enlightenment. And there is the Confucian tradition that it’s the responsibility of the intellectual to speak the truth to those in power. Investigative reporters have a combination of all these cultural aspects, with some influence from Western media training.” One final point to consider. The government has started to recognise the soft power of the media in getting its position heard and establishing credibility internationally. It recently invested in overseas media operations, aiming for a Chinese equivalent to CNN. Former HKU journalism lecturer and ABC journalist Jim Laurie is on staff. “These news organisations will be the face of China overseas,” Dr Cho says. 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N ; I 5 7 < 9 5 A I M 8 9 9 H < ? ; 8 6 ; 6 ? : 5 A I @ ; 6 ; 7 ? 9 A ? ; 8 6 8 = A 6 A ? ; 8 6 A K 7 M : 8 8 K K H 6 M : < 9 8 L 9 A @ @ 5 ; 6 N : ; M : 5 A M : M : ; K I ; 7 8 6 K e L ; J 5 6 A < ; 5 M 5 8 = E 9 5 A I A 6 I A E 8 8 = @ ; K = 8 9 K H 6 M : l m 4 8 H 9 ? 5 7 e 8 = 4 : ; 6 A 5 I ; A c 9 8 t 5 M ? n The relationship between the state and the media in China is multi-layered and things are never exactly as you would expect them to be. O P T W Q R U V [ A Di"erent Kind ofWatchdog The Chinese media is typically thought to be under a tight leash of government control and censorship. But it can be a much feistier and more open animal – within certain limits. 15 The University of Hong Kong Bulletin Feburary 2013